By Ahmad Sirwani / Farzan Chalishkan
When we hear the word “Cyprus,” our minds turn to a Turkish republic that is recognized only by the Republic of Turkey. At the same time, “Cyprus” refers to an island synonymous with “sex, money laundering, and education trade.”
After the liberation of the island of Cyprus and the declaration of independence in 1960, the military coup by Greek Cypriots divided the island into two halves politically and administratively: Southern Cyprus and Northern Cyprus.
Today, the Cyprus issue is not viewed merely as a matter between two internationally unrecognized states linked to Turkey and Greece, but has taken on broader regional and global dimensions. Both the Western hemisphere (America, Europe, and Israel) and the Eastern hemisphere (China, Russia, and Turkey) intervene in the affairs of these two semi-islands for their own interests, using them against opposing sides.
This study examines the Cyprus issue and its historical dimensions, presenting the latest developments related to this issue and the intervention of regional and international countries, and their impact on relations between Turkey and Greece and the security of the Aegean Sea and Mediterranean Sea regions.
A Geographic Island and Two Political Semi-Islands
The island of Cyprus is located in the southwestern part of Asia and is considered the third closest island to Turkey in the White/Mediterranean Sea after Sicily and Sardinia. The island is situated 65 km south of Turkey, 112 km west of Syria, 267 km west of Israel, 162 km west of Lebanon, 418 km north of Egypt, and 967 km southeast of Greece.
According to the 1960 census following independence and the declaration of the Republic of Cyprus, 82% of the island’s population were Greek and 18% were Turkish. Until the 1980s, a very small percentage of English, Armenian, and Maronite populations also lived there. After the declaration of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti – KKTC), due to the migration of many citizens of the semi-island to Turkey, Britain, Australia, and America, and simultaneous migration of Turkish citizens to the semi-island, the demographics of the region changed completely, increasing the number of Turks who are originally from Turkey rather than Cyprus.
The population of the semi-island in 2023, according to statistics from the Northern Cyprus Statistical Agency, is 476,214 people. However, the opposition does not believe these statistics and believes the population is close to 1.2 million people. It is also said that nearly half of Northern Cyprus’s population has migrated from Turkey to the semi-island.
After the establishment of the Ottoman Empire for several centuries, the island was controlled by the Ottomans. Before the collapse of the empire, Cyprus was occupied by Britain. After gaining independence in 1960, the Republic of Cyprus was established, but after less than three years, Greek Cypriot officials staged a coup and completely controlled all branches of power and administration of the entire island. After the outbreak of civil war between the Turks of the island in the north and pro-Greek Cypriots in the south, as a result of Turkey’s direct military operation in 1974, the island of Cyprus was divided between two separate republics. Pro-Greek Cypriots controlled approximately 59% of the island and established the Republic of Southern Cyprus. The island’s Turks controlled the northern section and administer approximately 36% of Cyprus. About 5% of the island remains a restricted zone.
Although Southern Cyprus is recognized by many countries of the world as a republic and has been a member of the European Union since 2004, Northern Cyprus is recognized only by Turkey, and its citizens travel outside the country with Republic of Turkey passports. Despite recognition by several Turkic-speaking countries and friends and allies of Turkey of the Republic of Southern Cyprus, these same countries are not prepared to recognize the Republic of Northern Cyprus.
How Turkey Has Intervened in Cyprus Affairs
Ankara’s intervention in Cyprus affairs dates back to the signing of the Zurich Agreement (Zürih Antlaşması) between the Republic of Cyprus, Greece, Turkey, and Britain on February 11, 1959, and simultaneously the signing of the 1960 Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus, particularly Article 181 of the constitution, which refers to permitting Turkey’s intervention in the affairs of the Republic of Cyprus “in the event of a threat to the independence of the Republic of Cyprus and the integrity of its territory and non-implementation of constitutional articles,” guaranteed by Britain, Greece, and Turkey.
After the 1974 coup by the extreme right-wing Greek faction and the intensification of pressure and attacks on Turkish Cypriots, the Turkish army conducted Operation Atilla-1 in Northern Cyprus in July of that year. In this attack, the Turkish army gained internal support in Northern Cyprus and international legitimacy. Despite the beginning of negotiations between Greeks and Turkish Cypriots, the Turkish army conducted another operation called Atilla-2. Thus, Turkey seized control of approximately 36% of Cyprus’s territory in the northern section. Although there was no international legitimacy for the Turkish army’s second operation, the Turkish army did not withdraw from those areas and protects them as part of Turkish territory.
After nearly 9 years of statelessness, on November 15, 1983, the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus was declared, but except for Turkey, no other state has officially recognized it.
Turkey’s Military Presence in Northern Cyprus
Currently, 40,000 Turkish army soldiers under the name Peace Force (Barış Gücü) are present in Northern Cyprus. Thus, every 8 citizens of the semi-island are protected by a Turkish soldier. On the other hand, a security force called the Security Forces Command (Güvenlik Kuvvetleri Komutanlığı – GKK) has been established. This force consists of Turkish residents of Northern Cyprus, and each citizen must participate for 8 to 15 months within the framework of compulsory military service. The number of this force is estimated at approximately 5,000 soldiers. Police forces also fall under this command. This command is indirectly connected to the Turkish Army General Staff. This means there is no security or military force in the semi-island that receives orders from the president, prime minister, or senior security and military officials of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. This has created great danger for them, and in any instance of government opposition or public opposition to Turkey, Ankara can suppress dissenting voices through military force within the framework of the country’s current laws.
Although Article 177 of the Constitution of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus binds police, security, and military forces to the civil authority of the republic, later with the addition of a “temporary tenth article” to Article 177, all sections of Article 177 were “temporarily suspended,” and command authority over security and military forces and Northern Cyprus police was given to the Turkish army.
Efforts for International Recognition of Both Republics
After the declaration of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus as a state in 1984, until now, except for Turkey, no other state has officially recognized it. Although Bangladesh and several other Turkish-friendly countries initially recognized the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, they withdrew this decision due to American pressure and other factors. Despite Turkey’s diplomatic efforts in this regard, even those states that consider themselves Turkish and identify themselves as national and state allies of Turkey within the framework of the Organization of Turkic States (Türk Devletleri Teşkilatı) not only do not recognize Northern Cyprus, but in the most recent development, three states have recognized the Republic of Southern Cyprus and opened embassies in that country.
Turkish Cyprus: Prostitution, Money Laundering, Mafia, and Casinos
Although Northern Cyprus and Turkish officials want that region to be recognized as a state, when examined closely, Cyprus is reduced to a semi-island where, if the mafia’s embrace, trade in education and universities, prostitution, and money laundering are removed, nothing remains.
Currently, there are approximately 27 nightclubs in Northern Cyprus. Although accurate statistics are not available, there is mention of 250-350 women who officially and legally work serving food and drinks and entertainment in those clubs, but it is also said that outside the law, they are also engaged in prostitution. Even the price for one hour of time ranges between $175-200, and a night with these women ranges between $350-400.
Many of those who have stayed in Northern Cyprus for a period for tourism, business, or education describe this place as a semi-island for “prostitution, money laundering, casinos, and education trade.” Regional observers emphasize the same thing.
This situation has even been discussed by Northern Cyprus residents, media, and personalities and has become a daily topic of the semi-island and even Turkey. Such as the harsh speech by Doğuş Derya, a member of the Northern Cyprus parliament on the list of the Republican Turkish Party (Cumhuriyetçi Türk Partisi – CTP), who indicated in the parliament meeting on March 5 of this year that “for a quarter century under the state’s shadow in Cyprus, human trafficking and sexual slavery of women has been occurring. In nightclubs, women and children are forced to work.” This parliamentarian emphasized that “those people who cannot work in nightclubs have private apartments rented for them and are registered as students, but in reality, they are engaged in prostitution.”
Doğuş Derya harshly criticized the government, which through the nightclub law and similar entertainment venues (7/2000 tarihli Gece Kulüpleri ve Benzeri Eğlence Yerleri Yasası), established a committee for supervising nightclubs and similar venues, but in reality, the main purpose of this committee is something else.
This parliamentarian emphasized that “even people under 18 years old are taken to nightclubs and used as sex slaves. With state support, the passports of those foreign persons who work in those nightclubs are seized.” They even mentioned that “to enable women to better endure this difficult situation, they are given drugs.” Some sources mention the involvement of security agencies and police in this illegal work, such that “under the pretext of preventing the seizure of passports of those women who are brought from outside Northern Cyprus to bars and casinos and engaged in entertainment and prostitution work by casino owners, the police themselves perform this task.”
Although since 2020, “human trafficking trade” in Northern Cyprus has been designated as a serious crime and severe punishment is imposed on perpetrators, from that time until now, “no nightclub owner has been convicted on these charges, due to state involvement with them.”
According to a report by the Turkish/Cypriot Human Rights Foundation (Kıbrıslı Türk İnsan Hakları Vakfı), from 2020-2025, information about 16 cases of violence against women working in nightclubs and casinos in Northern Cyprus reached police and security forces, two of which were suicide cases. Although most cases were reported to security authorities by the women themselves who suffered violence, only two files reached the public prosecutor, and only one of them was elevated to the relevant court.
The situation has reached a point where the term “sex tourism” has come into use in Northern Cyprus. This means “under the name of tourism, people travel to this semi-island solely for sexual purposes,” and similarly, “women are sexually exploited under the name of working in tourism.”
On the other hand, Northern Cyprus has become a field for settling conflicts and issues among Turkish mafia leaders and sometimes international ones. For example, in 2020, after the arrest of Halil Falyalı, owner of one of Northern Cyprus’s famous casinos, immediately Sedat Peker, who is considered one of the major mafia leaders and international criminal groups and is from Turkey, threatened to publish degrading videos of Northern Cyprus government leaders. A day later, a video of Ersan Saner, Prime Minister of Northern Cyprus and leader of the National Unity Party (Ulusal Birlik Partisi – UBP), was published by Peker. Saner also resigned on October 10, 2021, and even completely withdrew from political work.
There are several other examples like this, indicating mafia control in Northern Cyprus and creating pressure on government officials of that country to overlook their illegal activities.
While casinos are prohibited in Turkey, with the mention of Turkish Cyprus, “prostitution, casinos, and money laundering” come to mind. This is apart from 100,000 students studying at 26 universities in this semi-island, whose population is less than 500,000 people.
Superficially Religious and Fundamentally Prostitution
After the Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power in Turkey in 2002, state discourse and senior institutions have moved in an Islamic direction. In all religious occasions and celebrations, statements are published, congratulating citizens on these occasions. This situation is the same for Northern Cyprus. However, the anti-religious current continues its efforts in the same way as in Turkey in Cyprus.
What is noteworthy is the religious statements of Northern Cyprus officials and the situation of nightclubs in this semi-island, which are contradictory. At the same time, there is silence from senior political and religious officials of the Turkish government and AKP regarding this situation.
While senior Northern Cyprus officials send congratulatory messages to the government and people of Turkey on religious occasions and celebrations, “their semi-island is drowning in a swamp of sexual slavery.”
The Cyprus Issue
An island from the end of Ottoman rule and seizure by the British has become a major issue between the inhabitants of the north and south of the island and Turkey and Greece. Despite the agreement between Turkey, Greece, and Britain to normalize the island’s situation after gaining independence from Britain, the coup by Greek forces in the south of the island, then Turkey’s military operations, and later the declaration of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus in 1984, de facto created two states on Cyprus territory.
Although negotiations between Northern and Southern Cyprus have continued, until now there has been no progress or positive result. Greek Southern Cyprus, with the support of Europe in general and Greece in particular, emphasizes a one-state system and Greek dominance over the state and main branches of rule, giving Turkish islanders their rights as a minority. In contrast, Northern Cyprus, with Turkey’s support, emphasizes a two-state governance model for the north and south of the island. Both have their own evidence and excuses for proving their views, but strong evidence consists of having support forces, dominance, and friendly and patron states for them.
Although dozens of bilateral, five-party, and tripartite meetings have been held on this issue, apart from both Cypruses, Greece, Turkey, and Britain, until now America, the European Union, and the United Nations have intervened or made various proposals for resolving the Cyprus issue. Most recently, on March 17-18, 2025, in Geneva, Switzerland’s capital, under UN supervision and with participation of Turkey, Greece, and Britain as guarantor states and supporters of negotiations and agreements, Northern and Southern Cyprus met, but in that meeting also, due to the Greeks’ emphasis on implementing a one-state system and strong relations with Greece and the European Union, versus Northern Cyprus Turks’ emphasis on a two-state system on the island of Cyprus, no positive result was achieved from the meetings.
Turkey’s National Security Council (Milli Güvenlik Kurulu – MGK) in its last meeting on September 30 of this year once again emphasized the “two-state system” for resolving the Cyprus issue.
Although until 2015, the principle of unity of peoples and EU membership was used by Southern Cyprus as an excuse for emphasizing a one-state system and Greek dominance over the state and main branches of rule, which the Turkish side rejected, now the discovery of various natural resources such as “hydrocarbons and natural gas” in the island’s maritime borders in the Mediterranean encourages both more toward efforts in the direction of dialogue and negotiation. However, Northern and Southern Cyprus’s insistence on their own views for administering the island has caused their negotiations to reach a deadlock. Particularly due to Turkey’s insistence on implementing a two-state system, because in all respects, particularly economically, Turkish Cyprus is tied to the Republic of Turkey, and annually part of the semi-island’s expenses are provided from Turkey’s budget. In Turkey’s 2025 budget, approximately $350 million has been allocated for general expenses and investment in Northern Cyprus. However, with recognition of the Republic of Northern Cyprus by the United Nations, Turkey would not only be saved from providing annual budget for Cyprus, but would also obtain very good income through extracting and selling natural resources from Northern Cyprus’s maritime borders.
Another factor for the deadlock in negotiations may be related to Turkey, because in implementing Turkey’s best preferred option, which is a two-state system, Northern Cyprus would also gain its sovereignty at the international level. In such a situation, Turkish Cypriot officials could easily reject Turkey’s interference in their country’s affairs and not allow Ankara to easily deal with underground and marine resources. Considering that there is a continuous anti-Ankara current in Northern Cyprus that can continue to be active.
The conclusion of the Geneva meeting on March 17-18 of this year comes at a time when Turkey-Greece relations have been improving since 2023, with annual meetings between Turkey’s president and Greece’s prime minister, both emphasizing “taking advantage of opportunities for peace and joint work instead of competition and mutual opposition.”
The experience of over 40 years of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (even if not recognized at the international level) and Turkey’s continuous support for it encourages them more to emphasize implementing a two-state system for the island of Cyprus. In contrast, the fear of Greek Southern Cyprus and Greece regarding the possibility of international recognition of Northern Cyprus means they do not accept any proposal or initiative from Northern Cyprus and Turkey and are not prepared to see them as their equal, but until now consider them as citizens of the island of Cyprus, not the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus.
If the situation remains this way and only at the United Nations’ invitation and with Turkey, Greece, and Britain’s guarantee do Northern and Southern Cyprus meet, there is no hope for reaching an outcome, comprehensive agreement, and resolving the Cyprus issue.
International Intervention in the Northern Cyprus Issue
Now the Northern Cyprus issue is not only framed between the island’s inhabitants and officials and Turkey and Greece. Apart from Britain, which considers itself the island’s heir, each of America, the European Union, and Israel on one side, and Russia, Turkic-speaking countries, and China on the other side are trying to intervene in Northern Cyprus affairs for their own interests.
Now there is talk of an American, European, Greek, and Israeli plan against Northern Cyprus and Turkey, such that these forces want to use Southern Cyprus’s EU membership as an excuse against Northern Cyprus and Turkey for retaking Turkish Cyprus.
At the beginning of September this year, the second batch of Israel’s Barak missile defense system arrived in Southern Cyprus and installation began. This is another piece of evidence for the further enlargement of the Cyprus issue. At the same time, Israel’s entry into the issue makes Northern Cyprus’s enemies more numerous and stronger, increasing the possibility of forcing Ankara and Turkish Cyprus to return to the negotiation table and agree to Greece and Southern Cyprus’s proposal for reunifying both Cypruses under Greek dominance over the island, while conversely increasing signs of Turkey’s conflict with Greece and Israel.
Israeli security and military thinkers are seeking a broader regional alliance against Ankara that includes Southern Cyprus, Greece, and other countries. The Israeli newspaper Hayom has suggested that Israel, in coordination with Greece and Southern Cyprus, prepare for an operation to liberate the northern part of the island of Cyprus from Turkish control.
On the other hand, conflicts have reached the level of pressuring states through diplomatic and economic packages. In the most recent development, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan each opened embassies in Southern Cyprus’s capital on March 31, 2025. On the other hand, these three countries, which are members of the “Organization of Turkic States,” at their summit meeting with the European Union on April 4 of this year, “declared their attachment to Security Council Resolution 541 of 1983 and Resolution 550 of 1984 condemning the declaration of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and calling on states not to recognize this republic.” The decision was explicitly stated in the final statement of the summit meeting between the European Union and Central Asian countries in Samarkand, Uzbekistan’s capital, on April 3-4 of this year.
At that same meeting, the European Union promised to provide an investment package to Central Asian countries worth 12 billion euros.
This step by three states friendly to Turkey and members of the Organization of Turkic States causes great harm to the interests of Turkey and Northern Cyprus and Ankara’s proposal for a “two-state solution for the island of Cyprus.” In a way, from both the perspective of international law and ground reality, it has given a golden opportunity to Southern Cyprus and Greeks to move toward retaking Turkish Cyprus and removing the Turkish army from that region.
Opposition to Turkey and AKP
Although Cyprus government officials and senior leaders show themselves as friends of Turkey and the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Turkey, this does not reduce the anti-Turkey, anti-AKP, anti-Islamic, and anti-conservative current by some Cyprus residents and political forces, such as the Left Workers Party (Sol İşçi Partisi – SİP) and the Republican Turkish Party (Cumhuriyetçi Türk Partisi – CTP), which as two opposition parties organized widespread demonstrations in Lefkoşa, Northern Cyprus’s capital, on June 23, 2021, against Turkey’s interference in their country’s internal affairs and election manipulation. Officials of these two parties emphasized the complete submission of Northern Cyprus officials to Turkey. On the other hand, they mentioned that in the 2020 presidential elections of the Republic of Cyprus, Turkey’s National Intelligence Agency (MIT) threatened Mustafa Akıncı, one of the presidential candidates. On the other hand, Turkey’s embassy in Lefkoşa requested Cyprus journalists to support Ersin Tatar, the presidential candidate.
On the other hand, famous Cypriot journalist Kutlu Adalı, who called for abandoning the “motherland, baby motherland policy” and published an article on this subject one day before his killing, was killed on July 6, 1996. According to statements by Sedat Peker, who is considered one of the major mafia leaders and international criminal groups and is from Turkey, Adalı was killed “by Turkey’s security and intelligence agency.” While in 2018 all Turkish media without exception showed full support for that country’s army’s military operation to Afrin, the Afrika newspaper, which is printed and published in Northern Cyprus and has now changed its name to Avrupa newspaper, wrote on the front page with a main headline: “Another occupation movement by Turkey (Türkiye’den bir işgal harekatı daha).” This created great concern among senior Turkish officials and public opinion. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan himself, President of Turkey, strongly condemned the newspaper and asked Northern Cyprus citizens to demonstrate against Afrika newspaper.
The same newspaper, which is considered an opposition media institution to the authority of the Republic of Northern Cyprus and Turkey, due to publishing cartoons and several mixed images about Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, was legally prosecuted by Northern Cyprus’s public prosecutor, but the court ruled in favor of the newspaper.
After AKP came to power in Turkey, Ankara’s inclination toward turning the country’s image back to Islam and Ottomanism has continued. In this direction, AKP and Erdoğan have made great efforts in amending the constitution and passing new laws in parliament and guidelines, apart from changes in the administrative system, education, and establishing several mosques and Islamic institutions, which are symbols of the return of Islamic rule and civilization to Turkey.
What is noteworthy is that in Northern Cyprus, the entry of the Islamic and conservative current led by AKP is not allowed. Although political and administrative authority in the semi-island is against this belief, a large portion of its inhabitants and the opposition side support this idea. This is one of the reasons for increasing the inclination of Turkish Cypriot residents toward reunification with Southern Cyprus and their desire for “removing the Turkish army” and calling it “an occupying force on their land.”
In the most recent development, Northern Cyprus’s Constitutional Court considered the Ministry of Education’s directive illegal, which prohibited the education of veiled girls in schools. In April of this year, Northern Cyprus’s Ministry of Education in a directive titled Directive at Law Level (Kanun Gücünde Yönetme) allowed veiled girls to continue their education in schools, but immediately the Turkish Cypriot Basic Education Teachers’ Union filed a lawsuit against the Ministry of Education’s directive in the Constitutional Court. The court on September 25 of this year annulled the Ministry of Education’s directive and stated: “Such a decision must be issued as law from parliament.” Thus, the anti-Islamic and anti-Ankara side in Northern Cyprus won against Ersin Tatar’s government, which has intensified its efforts for closer ties to Turkey and AKP.
Election Results Point to Federal, But…
The results of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus elections tell us that island residents are tired of Ankara’s policies. In the October 20, 2025, presidential elections of the Turkish Republic of Cyprus, Tufan Erhürman, candidate of the Republican Turkish Party, which is the largest opposition party in Northern Cyprus and supports the idea of coexistence of Greek and Turkish Cypriots within a federal state framework, achieved a great victory over Ersin Tatar, candidate of the National Unity Party (Ulusal Birlik Partisi), by obtaining 62.83% of the votes.
Although Tatar has been President of the Turkish Republic of Cyprus since 2020, is close to AKP and Erdoğan, and Turkey and AKP tried with all their capabilities to support Tatar and his re-election, the majority of Northern Cyprus residents chose Tufan Erhürman as the candidate of the Turkish Cypriot opposition side, who is an extension of the Turkish opposition side, and their relations with the Republican People’s Party (CHP) are very good. Therefore, CHP and the opposition side in Turkey considered Erhürman’s victory as part of their own successes in Turkey’s 2023 municipal elections and believe this Northern Cyprus success heralds their victory in Turkey’s 2028 parliamentary and presidential elections.
Although the signs of these Turkish Cyprus election results were expected and signs emerged from the events and incidents that occurred in Northern Cyprus over the past two years, from citizen demonstrations against the current Cyprus authority and Ankara’s hegemony over Lefkoşa and Northern Cyprus’s attachment to Ankara’s decisions, and even judicial authority steps and decisions contrary to Ankara’s and AKP’s direction and policies.
The next four years of Cyprus under Tufan Erhürman’s rule, who desires coexistence with Greeks within a federal state framework and is ready for negotiation and dialogue with Greek Cyprus, coincides with the National Unity Party’s dominance over the majority of parliament—24 seats out of a total of 50 seats—in Northern Cyprus, which supports the idea of “two states” for Turkish and Greek islanders, a separate state for each.
Therefore, it may not be easy for supporters of a federal state for the island of Cyprus and coexistence with Greeks to implement their policies, which are contrary to Ankara’s current policies, in Northern Cyprus.
Conclusion
Despite “liberating the Turks of Northern Cyprus” from the Greeks of the island and finally establishing a fragile state for them, the direction of events and the desires of Northern Cyprus residents are not in a way that pleases Ankara.
The strong support of the European Union and Greece for Greek Cypriots, Israel’s agreements and cooperation and sale of advanced military and defense technology to Southern Cyprus, coordination of some of Turkey’s friendly states and members of the “Organization of Turkic States” with Southern Cyprus and opposition to the northern part, from both the perspective of international law and ground reality, has given a golden opportunity to Southern Cyprus and Greeks to move toward retaking Northern Cyprus and removing the Turkish army from that region.
Despite the desire of some semi-island residents and the direction of political, diplomatic, and military developments toward resolving the political process and rule of their region with Southern Cyprus and coming together within a federal state framework or a strong central state in which Greeks would be dominant, the ruling authority of Northern Cyprus, with the support of some of its residents domestically and the Republic of Turkey’s support externally, pursues the policy of maintaining the current situation and calling for a two-state solution.
However, Turkey’s policy change toward turning the country back to an Islamic system and the clear emergence of signs of this effort in the constitution, education, and the image of religious and administrative state institutions has become a strong driver for increasing Turkish Cypriot residents’ inclination toward reunification with Southern Cyprus and their desire for “removing the Turkish army” and calling it “an occupying force on their land.”
Now the island of Cyprus no longer remains merely as a victim of national, ideological, and economic conflicts. This island has become a field for the intervention of regional forces over the Aegean Sea and Mediterranean Sea and international forces.
