Before their mass migration, Jews constituted a widespread, ancient, and well-known component of Kurdistan. Like followers of other major religions, their ancient homeland was primarily in the Middle East and the Levantine region. Later, they expanded within this same geography to several other areas, including Kurdish cities and territories. The investigation of their emergence and development within Kurdish territories, and their most important centers of expansion during the Islamic period, constitutes the main axis of this study.

The Identity of the Jews

Judaism, as both a religion and a philosophy and way of life, is defined for its followers. This religion embodies the relationship between the “Children of Israel” and God through a multitude of texts, prayers, attitudes, customs, and social and religious behaviors (Jewish Encyclopedia, 1906). In contemporary sources of this religion, “Judaism” is symbolized as an ancient monotheistic and Abrahamic religion that is based on the texts of the holy book of the Torah, and also follows a special law (Halakha) whose sources, apart from the Torah, consist of rabbinical texts after the emergence of the Torah concerning matters not mentioned in the holy book of the Torah (My Jewish Learning, n.d.).

In the Quran, Jews are referred to as “the people of Moses,” “People of the Book,” “Children of Israel,” and “Jews,” but some trace them back to “Judah,” which is a branch of the “Children of Israel” or the state of “Judah” in Palestine (see: Al-Shahrastani, 1992: 2/230).

Regarding identity, a Jewish person, from a religious perspective, must have a Jewish mother, and the father’s identity is not sufficient, or one must have completely fulfilled all the rituals of becoming Jewish according to the religion’s law (Al-Bukh, n.d.: 68). However, in modern times and in Israel, for example, this has been modified, and anyone who has a Jewish father, or has not had another religion and has converted to Judaism, is given citizenship and civil rights and the title of Jew, which aligns and corresponds with the interpretation of modern trends within Judaism regarding their own identity.

Generally speaking, Jews can be said to be a mixture of religion, ethnicity, and collective memory that have complexly intermingled, and due to historical division and dispersion, they have acquired distinct characteristics and features, one of which is the Jews of Kurdish regions and territories.

Kurdish Jews

Jews residing in Kurdish cities and regions have historically been known as “Kurdish Jews.” Their language of communication was primarily Aramaic (Abdul Salam, n.d.: 12). They had their own clothing, customs, traditions, and characteristics. They were among the oldest Jewish communities outside the two kingdoms of “Israel” and “Judah” (Brauer & Batai, 2009: 60). The first kingdom (Israel) was established in Palestine after the migration and movement of the “Children of Israel” from Canaan to Egypt under the influence of drought. The second (Judah) arose in the tenth century BCE on the ruins of the kingdom of “Israel” near Jerusalem (Al-Miskin, 1997: 21, 67, 105). Outside these two kingdoms, Jews in the east were distributed across several regions, namely: Kurdistan, regions of Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan, Bukhara, Yemen, and Aden (Ettinger, 1992: 15). Accordingly, Kurdistan was one of the seven main centers of Jews outside the kingdoms of “Israel” and “Judah” in historical Palestine.

The history of Kurdish Jews properly dates back to the end of Assyrian rule in the eighth century BCE. They were subjected to captivity and enslavement by the Assyrians in their place of residence in Palestine, and against their will, they were forcibly transported to several distant regions to prevent them from returning to Palestine again. One of these regions was present-day Greater Kurdistan. These displaced Jews remained and lived among the Kurds until the middle of the last century and mingled with the Kurds. After that, they migrated in masse (approximately 25,000 people) to Israel (see: Soussa, 2001: 31; Rizq Allah, 1924: 41-60; Zaken, 2011: 33).

Some sources mention that the Jews of Kurdistan are mostly descended from the prophet Benjamin, who was the son of the prophet Jacob, and they had their holy book in the Kurdish language (Jewish Virtual Library, n.d.). Most of them lived in mountainous and remote villages and engaged in agriculture and handicrafts, raised livestock, and conducted trade. However, the Jews of Iraq were mostly settled in large cities, which made them engage more in handicrafts and craftsmanship (Stillman, N., 1979).

The Jews displaced to Kurdistan, like the Kurds, established their own villages and neighborhoods. According to the travelogue of the Jewish traveler “Benjamin of Tudela” (2002: 325) around the 6th/12th century, they were spread across nearly 100 geographical locations in Kurdistan. These locations were mostly concentrated around the historical “Kingdom of Adiabene,” whose center was the city of Erbil. This kingdom experienced significant revival in the first century BCE and was known as a settlement center for displaced Jews from Palestine, and its rule was in the hands of a Jewish family (Al-Hamawi, 1997: 2/256; Soussa, 2001: 41).

The Condition of Jews During the Spread of Islam

One cannot discuss Kurdish Jews and the condition of this trend in Kurdish-inhabited areas without referring to the Sassanid and Byzantine states, under whose influence and hegemony they lived, and which had practically divided the present-day Kurdish territories. The Sassanids controlled the mountainous regions and eastern territories, while the Byzantines controlled Jazira in northern and northwestern Iraq and the plains. This may be the oldest division of Kurdistan.

According to available information, Jews under the Sassanid state, like Christians, paid a poll tax to the state in the form of tribute to maintain their religion. Those under the Byzantine state, along with the Zoroastrians, had taxes and tributes imposed on them (Aitani, 2022: 55). Later, when Islam emerged and spread in the east, Muslims imposed poll tax and land tax on followers of other religions, including Jews. The poll tax, called “jizya” in Islam, is mentioned in the Quran and is specifically designated for the “People of the Book,” who are Jews and Christians. In the Quranic verse said to have been revealed during the Roman campaign, God commanded Muslims: to fight against Jews and Christians (People of the Book) who do not believe and practice religion like them, who disbelieve in God and the Last Day, and who consider lawful what God and God’s messenger have declared unlawful, and “do not follow the religion of truth,” until they pay the poll tax willingly while they are subdued (At-Tawbah: 29). From this perspective, it can be said that the “jizya” poll tax is a financial obligation imposed on those who lived under Islamic authority and did not embrace its path. In the details of implementation, the amount and rate of “jizya” varied according to people’s financial condition and income (Abu Yusuf, n.d.: 79). Women, children, the blind, slaves, the poor, the disabled, and some people with special needs were also exempted from it (Al-Yuzbaki, 1983: 10/595).

Jews under the Byzantine state, including those areas that were in Kurdish territory, were under the influence of Christian missionary activities, which led to their decline. This was particularly because Christianity’s goal was to reform and convert their religion, primarily targeting Jews for conversion to Christianity. However, with the emergence of Islam, a portion of Jews accommodated themselves with Muslims through poll tax agreements, while another portion may have converted to Islam.

There is an opinion that believes the Islamic conquests were in the interest of the Jews, because those under Sassanid rule found the Persians to be idol-worshippers and oppressors, and they suffered greatly from the Persians’ bad treatment of Jewish religious followers (Ghunayma, 1924: 101). Those under Byzantine and Roman rule also had problems of oppression and tax collection and were targeted for Christianization. However, with the Muslims, they at least had some common points, as Muslims viewed them as followers of a divine religion and respected their prophet (Moses). In this regard, Jewish historian David Wasserstein (2012) believes that the coming of Islam and its expansion campaigns became the cause of saving Eastern Jews from internal division and from the danger of Christian missionary activities and the hegemony of the Christian Roman Empire over them. This was especially because the Romans were an anti-Jewish Christian authority that engaged in missionary work. As for Jews under Sassanid rule, they were cut off from their co-religionists within Roman borders, and their local languages were declining. However, due to the changes brought by the spread of Islam, Jews found themselves in a better position within the new balance, and once again throughout the east, under Muslim rule, they reconnected their internal relations. In this way, they transformed “from a despised minority into a legally permitted minority,” particularly as they were classified alongside Christians as “People of the Book” and “People of Protection” (dhimma), and in return for poll tax (jizya) and land tax, they followed the law of Moses.

A Christian source mentions that the amount of poll tax (jizya) that Muslims imposed on Jews, Christians (People of the Book), and Zoroastrians (Majus) was less than what the Byzantine Romans and Sassanid Persians had imposed on the minorities under these two states (Abuna, 2002: 1/51, 2/252-253). However, because in a Quranic text, unlike Christians, Jews are described as “bitter enemies” of Muslims (Al-Ma’ida: 82), it cannot be said that they were viewed as favorably as Christians. Some Jewish researchers, while confirming the improvement of Jewish conditions under Islam compared to the Sassanids and Byzantines, believe that despite this, Jews remained marginalized and Muslims looked down upon them (see: Mahamid, 2023: 147-150; Al-Yuzbaki, 1983: 69).

The Jews of Kurdistan During the Islamic Conquests

The military campaigns for the spread of Islam in Kurdish-inhabited areas occurred during the era of the second Rashidun Caliph, “Umar ibn al-Khattab.” From the Jazira region in northern Syria and Iraq, these campaigns began properly around the years 17-18 AH/638-639 CE, after controlling Syria and Egypt. The leader of this axis was “Iyad ibn Ghanam al-Ash’ari,” who advanced toward the region with the participation of eight thousand warriors (Al-Waqidi, 1989: 2/89). In this vast expanse between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, there were major Kurdish-inhabited cities such as: Harran, Raqqa, Ra’s al-Ayn, Nisibis, Sinjar, Mardin, Amid, and Mosul (Al-Hamawi, 1995: 2/134). The oldest available texts and information about Jews among the Kurds during the Islamic conquests were recorded in this region. Two of these historical events are as follows:

• During the Jazira campaigns, “Iyad ibn Ghanam” turned toward a Jewish-inhabited settlement called “Bayrakha,” where he reached an agreement with them regarding the “Dara” region. The importance of this area lay in the fact that Jews considered it sacred and brought sacrifices there because they believed it contained the memorial and traces of one of the prophets of Israel named “Hezekiah ibn Turkh ibn Bazya.” The ruler of this city, named “Taryatos,” requested that Muslims allow him to continue in his position until death. In return, he promised to give freedom to those Jews who wished to become Muslim and not prevent them. The Muslim commander (Iyad ibn Ghanam) approved his proposal and request, especially since he had the conquest of “Diyarbakir” in hand and wanted the message of this agreement to reach them so they would agree to come under his protection through agreement (see: Al-Waqidi, 1997: 2/142).
• In the city of Amid, when the Islamic army saw that the city’s wall and fortress were strong, they loudly proclaimed takbir (Allahu Akbar). The people, estimating that the army was numerous, agreed to pay tribute and surrender the city (see: Al-Waqidi, 1997: 2/151). According to the accounts, what facilitated the agreement between the people and the attacking Muslim army in Amid was the dialogue of a knowledgeable Jewish figure, “Zayd al-Haluk: Malya ibn Hanita,” with “Iyad ibn Ghanam.” This Jewish figure claimed descent from the prophet “David” and was the elder of the Jews of Amid. After dialogue with “Iyad ibn Ghanam,” he convinced him to grant amnesty to the city. Some of them became Muslim, while others decided to pay tribute and surrender their weapons and half their wealth to the Arab Muslim army (see: Al-Waqidi, 1997: 2/152).

Centers of Kurdistan’s Jews in the Islamic Period:

Adiabene and Mesopotamia:

Historical accounts indicate that during the medieval centuries of Islam, Kurdistan’s Jews were densely settled in the Khaftian mountains near Erbil (Al-Hamawi, 1988, 2/379), and also extended to the borders of Persia (Al-Tutili, 2002: 325). Some places held special religious significance for them, such as Zakho, where a Jewish synagogue was built for prayer and worship, which they considered sacred (Abdul Salam, n.d.: 12).

In Erbil, which was a distinctive center for Jews, their activities in this city were mentioned in the late 6th/12th century (Al-Tutili, 2002: 288). Around the year 648 AH/1250 CE, a Jewish figure from the Jewish noble families named “Ali ibn Zakariya” was appointed as the elder and leader of the Jews (Ra’s al-Jalut) in Erbil. In the news of his appointment, it was mentioned that after the chief judge (Qadi al-Qudat) appointed him, he wore the special clothing of his position and went out with his religious followers (Ibn al-Futi, n.d.: 194). This is evidence of the existence of several prominent and influential Jews in Erbil and the existence of a trend in the city.

The Jewish traveler “Benjamin of Tudela,” who visited Kurdish areas in the 6th/12th century, estimated the number of Jews in the city of Amid alone at approximately 25,000 people. This might be an obvious exaggeration for a small city of that time, but it ultimately indicates their large numbers in this Kurdish mountainous city.

The historical accounts of the medieval Islamic centuries generally indicate that Kurdistan’s Jews during that period were mostly in present-day Badinan region, along with the vicinity of Mosul. In these areas, they had their own villages and communities (see: Al-Abbasi, 1969: 209). In this same region, Jewish holy places became sites of prayer and pilgrimage, some of which were tombs and mausoleums of the prophets of the “Children of Israel” mentioned in the Jews’ holy book (Torah). The most prominent of these is the prophet “Nahum” in Alqosh. According to available information, this prophet appeared during the period of idolatry and was buried in the seventh century BCE in the Nineveh plain, and his place of life and preaching was around Mosul and present-day Badinan regions (see: Al-Ba’albaki, 1992: 451; Coria, 1998: 62-64).

Besides respecting the tomb of the prophet Jonah in Mosul, Jews also considered sacred the supposed tomb of the prophet “Daniel” in Kirkuk fortress, who was a great prophet in Jewish culture and lived and died among Eastern Jews during the Babylonian exile period (6th century BCE) (Al-Ba’albaki, 1992: 185). This prophet of the “Children of Israel,” besides Kirkuk, also has a tomb in the city of Susa in Iran, and it is believed that he was actually buried there (König, E. 1906).

Jazira Cities:

The vast majority of Jazira Jews during the Islamic period concentrated in the city of “Nisibis.” This city was a refuge for Mesopotamian Jews during times of hardship and distress. There, Jewish contributions and collected funds for building the Jerusalem temple (Solomon’s Temple) were gathered, which is why “Nisibis” was known among Palestinian Jews as well. There was a school and a main, prominent synagogue in the center of “Nisibis” (Segal, 1988: 53), and in “Tudela’s” journey (2002: 258), the number of Jews in the city was estimated at two thousand people (6th/12th century) (Al-Tutili, 2002: 285).

Historical accounts also indicate that “Imad al-Din Zengi,” the ruler of Mosul in 539 AH/1144 CE, settled approximately three hundred Jewish families in the city of “Raqqa.” There is no clear reason available for this step, but if we know that Zengi was busy fighting the Crusaders in that region at that time, it might be that within the framework of conflict with Christians, he brought Jews there to serve as intermediaries between both sides.

Regarding other Jazira cities, it is mentioned that in the city of Ra’s al-Ayn in present-day western Kurdistan, approximately 200 Jews lived (Al-Tutili, 2002: 285). In Mardin, there was also a Jewish community mentioned in the internal correspondence of followers of this religion (Al-Duski, 2012: 20). However, more than these, Jews concentrated in the city of Mayyafariqin, where they had their own “Jewish quarter” and a synagogue specific to them (Al-Fariqi, 1959: 165). But perhaps not as many Jews were settled there as in “Mosul,” because there the reputation of several prominent and knowledgeable figures spread (Al-Tutili, 2002: 291), which indicates that they were a growing community.

Mountain Region Cities:

Available historical information reveals that generally, Jews in the Kurdish-inhabited mountain regions had larger numbers and proportions than Christians during the medieval Islamic centuries (Al-Maqdisi, n.d.: 394). For example, in a city like Nahavand, their number is mentioned as four thousand people (Al-Tutili, 2002: 325). In Urmia, two synagogues were recorded in the 4th/10th century with the names “Al-Fath” and “Al-Izz” (Abi Dalf, 2012: 115). There is also a belief that “Goliath,” who was a powerful Palestinian champion, was killed by Jews in “Urmia” (Al-Ba’albaki, 1992: 156). In the city of “Hulwan” in the mountain region’s gateway, there was a “Jewish road,” and their number was estimated at three hundred people. Outside the city, they had a synagogue built of gypsum and stone that was sacred to them (Al-Maqdisi, n.d.: 123, 388; Al-Tutili, 2002: 347).

“Benjamin of Tudela” claims that in Hamadan the number of Jewish religious followers was fifty thousand people. Besides synagogues, they also had sacred graves and cemeteries (Al-Tutili, 2002: 330-331). However, there is also exaggeration in this, and that number for Hamadan in the 6th/12th century is very large.

Near the mountain region, a traveler mentions (4th/10th century) that the people of the city of “Duzdan” in Shahrazur believed that the Jewish prophets “David” and “Solomon” had blessed them, and there the “Children of Israel” were victorious. Those who ruled over the city claimed to be descendants of “Talut,” the famous Jewish king (Abi Dalf, 2012: 126).

The Situation of Jews Among Muslim Kurds

The cultural heritage of Kurdish Jews during the Islamic period is very poor. Those researchers who have conducted detailed investigations in this field have not achieved much. Nevertheless, what is clear and available is that Kurdish Jews had the best opportunities and grounds for Christianization, and many of them converted to this competing religion through missionaries (see: Brauer & Batai, 2009: 60; Segal, 1998: 55). Language might have played a major role in this, because Christians of Kurdish regions, despite their sectarian differences, spoke the same Aramaic language that was the language of Kurdish Jews (Nikitine, 2007: 371). This made communication between them easier and led Kurdistan’s Jews toward decline. However, the migration and movement of Jews from other regions to Kurdish areas did not allow them to completely end and they remained as a component (Brauer & Batai, 2009: 66).

Outside Kurdish regions and within the framework of the Abbasid state, Jews protected their community through tribute. The tribute of each Jew under the Abbasid state was one gold dinar per year (Al-Tutili, 2002: 325). In Kurdish regions, like other places, they were allowed to return to their own law for private affairs (Ibn al-Futi, n.d.: 194). They also collectively visited their sacred graves (Zaken, 2011: 39). Because they were within a Sunni framework, they had somewhat better chances than Jews in Shia communities of Iraq and Persia for survival, because in dominant Shia jurisprudence and belief, physical contact between Muslims and non-Muslims is forbidden and not permitted, including marriage. However, in Sunni jurisprudence, eating food prepared by Jews and marrying their women is permissible because they are People of the Book (see: Center for Doctrinal Research, 1444; Ibn al-Jawzi, 2001: 97; Zaken, 2011: 27). These factors led an orientalist like “Nikitine” (2007: 371) to say: Kurds were generally tolerant toward Jews.

• Researcher and lecturer at the Kurdistan Center for Academic Documentation and Research – University of Sulaimani.

• Originally published in Publishing Section by the Center for Future Studies and translated by Nawroz Mohammed for Kfuture.Media.